A whiteman or nothing.

The head http://elie-smith.blogspot.com/2007/09/head-or-introduction.html

2016 an uncertain horizon for Congo Brazzaville

The July 15^th first round balloting in Congo’s legislative elections, won’t be an ordinary election. It won’t also be an election that will confirm the country as acreage of multiparty democracy within the sub region and the continent at large.  And concerning elections and multiparty democracy, Congo has held several elections and if the number of elections held in any given country were a benchmark for it democratic health, then Congo would be ruled hale and hearty, democratic wise. Interestingly or not, there are other parameters needed in the evaluation of the democratic credentials of a country. In that wise, Congo can’t pride itself to be a paragon of democracy. However, what Congo can pride itself in is that, she is a country that is on the path of democratization and is in need of help and perfections. Elections or electoral periods in every country are a feverish moment.  It is a moment when candidates and their political parties do prepare to flex their muscles ideologically with those having opposing or contradictory views. It is also the finest moment for the press   and also for businessmen and women, who are in the business of printing, fabrication of tee shirts and other campaign paraphernalia. But in Congo, electoral periods are also periods of uncertainties.

Vital elections

 For most civil wars that have taken place in this country, has their root cause in the way that elections were organized or the way that the results went. It explains partly why, the July 15^th elections, whose campaigns were officially launched on July 1^st won’t be an ordinary legislative elections. There are several reasons why this year’s legislative elections are vital. The first reason is found in the editorial of the tri-weekly newspaper La Semaine Africaine N* 3203 of June 26^th 2012. The editorialist wrote that: ‘’the legislative elections that will take place on the 15^th of July will be the 3^rd post conflict legislative elections to be held in Congo’’. And the editorialist continues: ‘’in reality, since the sovereign national conference was held in Congo in 1991, a total of five elections have taken place in the country, precisely in 1992,1994,2002,2007 and now 2012.’’ The editorialist concludes: ‘’ Congolese will be called for the fifth time to exercise their civic duty, which is to freely elect their representative into the lower chambers of the Congolese parliament’’.[i] The second other reason why these legislative elections are important is because, it will determine depending on the tendency that will dominate the parliament, the democratic future and also the political and economic stability of the country. 

Ideological war 

For as at now, there are two schools of thought at war ideologically in Congo. The first are those who want to change the current constitution of January 2002, while there is a second group that wants to maintain the current constitution. The first group argues that, the current constitution was necessary because, Congo came newly out of a brief but brutal civil war.  Hence, the 20^th January 2002 constitution gave overwhelming powers to the executive. They add that, even though they want the current constitution to be changed, it is far better than the 1992 constitution, that to them, was a recipe for chaos. According to those who want a constitutional change, the 1992 constitution, was a kind of geo-ethnic constitution, which wanted that, if a president was from the north, the prime minister must come from the south.  In listening to the first group or the group that wants to change the current constitution, it becomes evident that, the current constitution, which has the merit to have kept the country quiet for more than 15 years, should be changed. Why?

It should be changed, they claim, to make way for a new constitution that is in uniformity with the current dispensation. It sounds logical, but as the saying goes: ‘’there is no smoke without fire.’’ But those in the second group, the group that do not want a constitutional change, are aware of the limitations of the current constitution. However, they argue that, they want it to be maintained because of two reasons.  First, it protects democracy and second, it also guarantees alternation at the summit of the country.  The second group also argues that, whatever the apparent limitations of the 2002 constitution, it nonetheless assures and consolidates democracy via two important clauses that are: age limit and two term mandates of 7 years, each, that can’t be renewed. The other reason why the second group doesn’t want the constitution to be changed is that,  they are of the opinion that, those gunning for constitutional change are hiding behind it apparent limitations, to push forward the secret agenda of president Denis Sassou Nguesso, who may want  to elongate his stay in power pass 2016. The first and the second groups latter mentioned are the most vocal in the ideological battle currently being fought in Congo. But there is a third group that is not militant. This group wants to maintain the current constitution, but they will like to see some modifications carried out. They would like to see the modification of clauses such as those on age limits and the two term mandate limitations. 

Suspicions and speculations 

The real motives or where the president of the republic stands on the ideological battle presently going on in Congo, breeds wild suspicions and speculations. And these suspicions and speculations have been sustained by the way things have been managed within the ruling Congolese Workers Party or Parti Congolais du Travail (PCT). Prior to selecting candidates that will represent the ruling party in July’s legislative elections; the ruling party had agreed and publicized that, primaries will be conducted within, in order to have candidates that are truly representative of their various constituencies. It was a way to show Congolese and the world that, the ruling party is now resolutely modern and democratic. Unfortunately, the strategy that was meant to show to Congolese and the world that the former Marxist party had changed from it dictatorial past, never took place. The ruling party went back full throttle to it old ways of selecting candidates that will represent her. And following the change of method, an insider who craves for anonymity confided to me that, the ruling party was agonizing and on the verge of implosion. 

Why? According to the same insider, the ruling PCT is now controlled by one man, Michel Ngakala. Mr. Ngakala is the organizing secretary of the ruling party. And Mr. Ngakala, it is rumored, is directly controlled by President Denis Sassou Nguesso, who is the chair of the political-bureau of the ruling party.  The political bureau is the highest decision making body of the ruling party.  Suspicions and speculations are also bred by the way PCT candidates were selected as standard bearer of the party in the July 15^th elections.  It is claimed that, most of the flag bearers of the ruling party got their ticket to represent the ruling party in July’s elections using opaque methods and not through democratic norms as was originally marketed.  Those who got selected as flag bearers of the ruling party, got their nomination either because they were supported by Denis Christel Nguesso, who is one of the many sons of the president of the Republic or paid their way with the lump sum of cfa francs 15 million to Michel Ngakala and Pierre Ngolo. The first is the organizing secretary of the ruling party while the second is the secretary general of the same formation. Militants of the ruling party who could not get the chaperoning of Denis Christel Nguesso or could not bribe their way were not designated. 

Disappointment and frustration

Besides alienating bona fide militants, the ruling party has an axe to grind with its allies in the majority as well as in the opposition, who are accusing her (PCT) of not respecting contracts or agreements signed between her and its allies. René Serge Blanchard Oba, chair of a party called Movement for Solidarity and Development or in French, Movement pour la Solidarite et le Developpement, who is a long time ally of the ruling party was shocked discover that, the ruling party has decided to designate Mrs. Claudia Leboumba Sassou Nguesso Ikia as his opponent in the Talangai 3 electoral constituency. A decision that made Mr. Rene Serge Blanchard Oba to declare in the daily Les Dépêches de Brazzaville that: ‘’the ruling party must learn to honor its agreement signed with its allies’’.[ii]   Mr. Oba and his MSD Party are not the only ones frustrated. The same feelings animates some opposition political formations, in particular all those who took part at the Ewo political meeting, which took place in December 2011. The said Ewo reunion was held to prepare the ground work for free and fair legislative elections. For the government is mindful of the fact that, elections have always been the root cause of conflicts in the country. 

And history is on the side of the government, for in 1959, Congo’s first civil war that was also its first tribal war, was sparked  because electoral results were disputed between Jacques Opangult’s Movement Sociale Africaine (MSA) and Fulbert Youlou’s Union pour la Democracie et le Developpement Intergrale de L’afrique(UDDIA).  Furthermore the successive civil wars in Congo which took place in 1993, 1997 and 1998 erupted not because of electoral results but rather on the difference of interpretations of article 75 of the 1992 constitution.  But all the same, the fulcrum of the battle was elections, for there was a change of alliance in parliament between the UPADS, PCT and MCDDI. It was a kind of manage a trios that was bound to ignite trouble for the country. Therefore, the Ewo political come together that saw the participation of civil society organizations, religious bodies, representatives of the diplomatic corp., major political parties of the majority as well as those of the opposition such as Movement Congolais pour la Democracie et le Developpement Intergrale (MCDDI), Ressemblement pour la Democracie et le Developpement (RDD), Union pan Africaine pour Democracie Sociale (UPADS) and UDR Mwinda are all today disappointed. 

Feeling of marginalization 

These political parties are disappointed because almost all propositions made at the Ewo conference, that were meant to contribute in organizing peaceful and credible legislative  elections  have been ignored by the government. An attitude that prompted the weekly newspaper Epanza Makita to title the cover of one of its publication: ‘’Ewo resolutions violated by the government.’’[iii]  The other source of frustration is that, within the ruling party, rising stars such as Philippe Mvouo, Marcel Bani, Henri Djoumbo, Alain Akouala and Bienvenu Okiemi to name just these few, have a feeling of having been marginalized or sidelined by the twosome of Michel Ngakala and Pierre Ngolo.[iv]   It has to be pointed out that, Congo’s ruling party has an effective grip on the country politically and economically. Thus the way that the ruling party behaves internally determines how the country is governed. It may partly explain why the way that the internal politics of the ruling party has been managed recently, has become fodder for all kinds of suspicions and speculations. And one that is making round currently in Brazzaville and around the country is that President Denis Sassou Nguesso wants his son Denis Christel Sassou Nguesso to succeed him in 2016.

It might not be true.  But when a number of party cadres are marginalized or have a feeling of being sidelined and coupled with the fact that last year, President Denis Sassou Nguesso’s son Christel, was promoted into the political-bureau of the ruling party and has been designated by the ruling party as the lone parliamentary candidate for the lone seat of Oyo, those acts gives credence to speculators.  And following all what has been going on within the ruling party, La Voix du Peuple, a privately owned newspaper did title: ‘’Has Sassou Nguesso confirms Christel as his successor?’’[v]   One thing is clear; whatever course the ruling party takes, the interest of the country must be their principal preoccupation. For no matter how powerful those ruling the ruling party are, time and nature is gradually taking its toll on them and thus their ability and capacity to govern is dwindling. Sadly the ruling party’s elite have not prepared a new breed to succeed them, beside their own children, close family relatives and friends of the president. On a whole, the ruling party has quantity or numbers behind her  but lacks quality ideologues and strategists, thus even if its  and its allies do win a majority in the new assembly, their supposed plans to change the constitution  might not work out smoothly.  Because needs to have capable cadres who will be ready debate and convince Congolese that, the constitution has to be changed.

Harbinger for conflict

For as things stand, any planned constitutional change is a harbinger for conflict that will destroy the economic and political achievement realized by the current government. Hence 2016 an uncertain horizon for Congo Brazzaville, because there are several pretenders to the throne and to complicate things within ruling party and family a deadly race has been open. Furthermore the March 4^th 2012 explosions have also created an active volcano, whose magma if it explodes, will consume everything on its passage. For the government has inadvertently opened two fronts since the explosions. The first is an internal battle within the ruling family and second is tribal. For most of those arrested on suspicions that they took part in the explosions are from the Teke ethnic group, which is the largest in the country but albeit close to the ruling Mbouchi tribe.   The intriguing mix in the possible confrontation to succeed the president come 2016 is that, it might be fought not with known protagonists but with a new one that is close. In other words it would no longer be a battle between the north and the south but an intra northern battle that will be deadly. But who is to be blamed? No one else, but the ones who are presently ruling the country. 

The whipping boy

According to an insider, the man who bears the responsibility in case things fall apart for the ruling party and the family today is Aime Emmanuel Yoka. Mr. Yoka is the current minister of state minister justice and keeper of the seals of Congo. He is also the uncle of the president and the architect of the January 20^th 2002 constitution. For he presided over a commission that wrote a constitution tailored to suit Denis Sassou Nguesso. The insider goes on: ‘’the idea was to sideline potential rivals of the president such as Bernard Kolelas, Tchystere Tchikaya and Andre Milongo who are all dead at present. It explains why in the 2002 constitution clauses such as age limits and limitation of two presidential mandates of 7 years each were included’’. And the insider concludes that:  ‘’ who the hell asked Aime Emmanuel Yoka to include in the 2002 constitution marketed as modern and democratic, all the subterfuges of age limits and term limitations? He did it to please the world that never asked to be pleased by Congolese or their government that won the 1997 civil war. 

The reality is that, the January 20^th constitution had nothing democratic in it, but the true reasons why it was written the way it was written, has now caught up with President Denis Sassou Nguesso’’. For in 2016 the president would logical be out of contest because of age limitation and the two terms mandate limitation. That is why these legislative elections whose campaigns began officially on the 1^st of July 2012 would not an ordinary one. It might renew the composition of the lower chambers and the majority shall decide whether Congo remains stable or inflames. Be that as it may, there are still some Congolese who want the current constitution to be changed. One of such is Alain Akouala Atypo. He is an advocate for the return of the 1992 constitution but omitting article 75 that to him is   potential recipe for trouble.

---

[i]  Editorial of La Semaine Africaine*3208 of Tuesday June 26^th 2012 written by Joachim Mbanza, pages 1&5

[ii] Les Dépêches de Brazzaville N* 1487 of Wednesday May 23^rd 2012(Rene serge Blanchard Oba invite le PCT a ternir parole) pages 1 & 3

[iii]  Epanza Makita N* 118 of June 13^th 2012 pages 3

[iv][iv]  Le Trottoir N* 68 OF June 2012 (Michel Ngakala et Pierre Ngolo, Tortionnaires des élites montantes) pages 3

[v]  La Voix du Peuple N*21 of Thursday May 31st of 2012( Sassou Nguesso confirms son successeur Christel Sassou Nguesso ) pages 6

Anglo -American and Breton wood institutions activisms in Cameroon ( part 2)

The absence or out right refusal of major political parties to join the proposed government of “national union” was a quandary to Paul Biya and also to the Breton Wood Institutions. After the 1997 presidential elections, the Bretton Wood institutions and their protégé Paul Biya were in a dilemma. As for the radical opposition political parties, albeit the most representative and which was headed by the SDF, they were alone and unaided by her traditional Anglo-American supporters. For the Americans whose activism in the 90s, helped push and implement real democracy in Cameroon, had their minds elsewhere by 1997. Remember, I had early mentioned how startled I was, when the former US ambassador to Cameroon, Mr Charles H. Twining, told me in an interview that: “democracy in Cameroon, had taken a great leap forward”. The US government never wanted to chaperon the opposition any more, for they had their mind elsewhere. It was at a time, when China was making her presence felt on the African continent, and the Americans had to rethink and retool their strategy, especially that which concerns oil and other strategic minerals. Beside China, the other American competitor in Africa was France.

Even though France has a lot of influence in French-speaking Africa, she can’t compete with the Americans in any part of the continent, even in her former French colonies. The Americans are therefore not impressed about the French. For the French, besides nosing around, they don’t have any clearly define strategy in their former African colonies and former area of influence. However, before the 90s, France had a clear cut strategy in Africa, in particular in her former colonies. But currently, France doesn’t have any clearly defined African strategy. Furthermore, even if they had, they don’t have the economic means, spirit of sacrifice and not to mention the needed military capabilities. Any sustained military campaign that France would want to take, must have the support of the US and that of Great Britain. An example of how feeble the French presently are, in their former zone of influence, which is French-speaking Africa, they were almost thrown out of the exploitation of Chadian oil and also in the construction of the pipeline that passes through Cameroon. As for the US, their main preoccupation in Africa these days, is China and China’s activism in the vital and none vital parts of the continent. It might explain why, in 1997, the American government looked the other and allowed Paul Biya to embezzle the elections again.

For in the calculations of the Americans, with Biya in power, they will be able to develop a new strategic agreement and partnership in the West African sub region, especially within the Gulf of Guinea, which will be beneficial to them. This is so because, Nigeria, which the third largest economy in Africa and second largest in sub Saharan Africa, was entering a democratic phase, which has facilitated the emergence of a new crop of leaders. These new breed of politicians, were not ready to be American puppets as their older peers who were generally corrupt. Nigeria, it is well known to be the largest oil producer on the continent and also an ally of the Americans. But as mentioned earlier, there is a changing dynamics in Nigeria. The West African state was beginning to develop closer economic ties with China, aided by the new democratic dispensation. But it was a developement that was not appreciated in Washington DC. For in spite all the calls for good governance and democracy, Washington prefers governments that puts US interest first than governments that put the interest their local population as the fulcrum of their policy. But in spite all the sweeteners meant to hoodwink the opposition that were proposed by the Anglo-Americans, they could not ignore the deteriorating situation in the country.

Anglo -American and Breton wood institutions activisms in Cameroon

Souleymane was waiting for another sign and he got it, when he got news that, even though the government had rigged the1997 presidential elections, they were worried. For the fact that, the opposition was challenging the results, might put them in an erroneous position with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. But in other to appease these institutions and also the US and British governments, the government of Cameroon wanted to form a government of “national union”, in which, the opposition, especially the most representative, will be offered ministerial posts. That way, they (the government) thought, they will calm Bretton wood institutions and the Anglo-Americans, who were also agitating against them (government). Souleymane saw all those indices as signs that his time has come. But the Anglo-Americans and the Breton Wood institutions had an ambiguous rapport with the government of Cameroon and also with the opposition, in chief the SDF. They were ready or claimed that, they wanted to help Cameroon on her path to genuine democracy. But they gave conditions that were very difficult for the government to accept.

And as far as the masses that were already on a dire strait were concern, they never wanted to hear the mention of the name: Bretton Wood institutions. For in the the general opinion, they had killer pills or remedies called structural adjustment programmes. These institutions claimed that, their financial aid to any country was conditioned to good governance and the instauration and implementation of multiparty democracy. Perhaps according to them, good governance and multiparty democracy, which were never effective on the ground, were magic wands to stability and riches. The incongruity with Bretton woods institutions are that, they never cared whether their recommendations were put into practice or not. Bretton Wood institutions were the ones who advised the government of Cameroon to create a government of “national union” after the dubious October 1997 presidential elections. For they knew it will placate the masses and above all, remove some steam from the opposition, that was agitating against the re-election of Paul Biya. Bretton woods strategists in Cameroon knew that, the stratagem that they provided to the government of Paul Biya had a powerful PR effect on honest western NGOs fighting against poverty and corruption in Africa.

The Bretton Wood institutions tutored the government of Cameroon on how to hoodwink her own people and Western NGOs. Bretton Wood institutions also provided funding to the same government to equip and train anti-riot police and other specialised militarised groups to fight against protesters. The Breton Wood institutions were helping the government of Cameroon to put into practice the adage which says: “he who is ready or preparing for peace, must also be ready or must be preparing for war”. For they knew that, their proposal for a government of national union which might appease the masses and also help realised their goal of massive privatisation might backfire. Hence they had a large amount of funds for law and order in their financial packages to governments. In fact, the Breton Wood institutions are professional thieves or rogues with frightening immoral hearts. Their strategy after the dubious October 1997 was almost functioning. However their plans ran into problem. The problem that Bretton woods institution had was that, those who accepted to join the doubtful government of “national union”, were the wrong guys or underrepresentative political parties of the opposition.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and the Malian witchdoctor ( part 8)

They did not recruit Soulaymane Mahamat because of the political capital that they were to gain from him. But the truth is that, Soulaymane was recruited more because of the symbol that he stood for or represented and held within the geostrategic plans of the SDF. This is evident in the national metamophoses that the SDF went through, immediately Souleymane openly made up his decision to join the largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition. The SDF escaped the position of a regionalist, secessionist or purely English-speaking Cameroonian party and became a broad base political formation. Regionalist and secessionist political formation is the name tag, that the government had placed on the SDF, in it frantic attempt to turn away many French-speaking Cameroonians from joining it. Like most Cameroonians, Souleymane never knew or expected that, 14 years later, the SDF will still be in the political Sinai desert of Cameroon, in search of an apparently elusive promise land. Life as an opposition leader in Cameroon is difficult and strewn with temptations and humiliations. Souleymane had his fair share of humiliations. Nonetheless he resisted and stood in the shadows of his charismatic boss, John Fru Ndi. While John was hugely charismatic, Souleymane was the opposite and a tad distant.

He survived only by the largesse of his boss and generous members of the SDF. His life in the opposition was different from what he used to enjoy when he was working at SONARA. He had no chauffeur driven car and had no advantages. To be simple and claear, life was too difficult for Souleymane. His children were no longer living with him. His childern were living with his younger brother, because Soulaymane Mahamat could no longer afford anything for them. Concerning Soulaymane’s wife, respect requires that, I don’t mentioned how she became. What I am about to mention is very important. For it may help to understand or show that the rapport between John Fru Ndi and his deputy was a sane one. John Fru Ndi observing with pity how Souleymane was suffering, but resisted to make people know about his travails, he (John Fru Ndi) suggested to the executive organ of his party otherwise known as the National Executive Council (NEC), that, his number two be given a monthly salary. But as a proud man, he refused the assistance. Souleymane rejected the proposition that he become a salaried member of the SDF.

In 1997, at the peak of his difficulties, Souleymane Mahamat, during a trip to Yaoundé, came across a fortune-teller of Malian nationality. The Malian fortune-teller told him that, he had a bright future. But what Souleymane did not know was that, the Malian was more of a speculator than the witchdoctor or fortune-teller that he pretended to be. In spite the fact that the Malian was a fake fortune-teller, he was nevertheless the guru of several members of government. Furthermore, what he always told politicians in Cameroon, were what he knew, they wanted to hear. The Malian fortune-teller knew that most Cameroonian politicians and elites were always in search for ministerial positions. The Malian became famous because he once speculated on one little known politician and he was eventually appointed minister. Since then, he has becomes the one witchdoctor in Yaoundé, that every burgeoning politician runs to. It explained why, when the arch-architect of the plot to divide and destroy the SDF, Dr Takoudjou approached Souleymane to join them as their leader in the 1997 plot, Souleymane saw it also a sign that, the prediction of the Malian witchdoctor, who lives in the cosy Bastos neighbourhood in Yaoundé was correct.

Cameroon:profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and brief Bernard Eding (part 7)

Souleymane truly liked his job and also knew that, as long as Ahidjo was president of the Republic, he was like the rock of Gibraltar in his post of finance director. Souleymane was the bright promising and constantly rising star of Northern Cameroonians. In 1981, he was sent again to France by the government of Cameroon, for a training course, that was aimed at preparing him to take over the mantle of general manger of SONARA. The post of general manager was held since the inauguration of SONARA on the 16^th of May 1981 by a White French man. The post of director general of SONARA would have been the coronation of the meteoric rise of Souleymane Mahamat, the cow Fulani, from the town of Maroua, located in the far north province. Unfortunately for him, when he returned from training, in France in October 1982, on the 4th of November of the same year, his mentor or protégé, late Ahmadou Ahidjo decided to quit the post of president of the Republic. But it was not entirely bad for Souleymane, for he still retained his initial post of financial director. However, the new president of Cameroon, Paul Biya, decided to appoint late Bernard Eding, who was serving since 1978 as deputy Director General, as the new head of SONARA.

Paul Biya, a Christian from the greater south, wanted to end the project of his predecessor, who wanted to appoint only Muslim of the greater northern region of the country, as head of strategic companies at the detriment of southerners. Bernard Eding the new boss of SONARA was a national or native of Bassaland and a Christian. Late Mr Bernard Eding, who became the Director General of SONARA from 1982 till his death, was born on the 5th of March 1940 in Edea, Sanaga Maritime division of the Littoral province. He was a graduate of the Ecole Nationale des Industries Chimiques (ENSIC) of Nancy and the Ecole Supérieure du Petrole et des Moteurs (ENSPM) of Reuil-Malmaison, located in the Greater Paris region, France. He has worked with the Gabonese National Oil Refining Company SOGARA or Societe Gabonaise de Rafinage from 1967-1970 and with the French state owned oil exploration and exploitation company Elf-Serepca-Cameroon from 1976-1977[1]. But Souleymane Mahamat, who thinks and believes that he, was born to rule and not to be ruled, did not appreciate the appointment of Bernard Eding as the new Director General of SONARA. Hence he decided in1990 or 1991 to join the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF).

It must be made clear that, Soulaymane Mahamat did not join the SDF because he admired the courage and project or manifesto of the SDF. He joined the SDF because of two things. First he was disappointed that, he was not offered the post of Director General of SONARA and secondly, those who recruited him on behalf of the SDF promised him that, should they win the 1992 presidential elections, he will be given the post of finance minister. Like most Cameroonians in the 90s, Souleymane was convinced that the government of Paul Biya will fall and will be replaced democratically by the SDF. The decision of Souleymane to adhere to the opposition SDF did not go down well with the government. It was considered as a treasonable felony. He was immediately sacked from SONARA. Paradoxically for the government, her decision to dismiss Souleymane from SONARA instead had a boomerang effect. All of a sudden, a man who was known only within government circles and elites of the far north became a national hero. He even stole for while, the position of star political figure of the country that was enjoyed then by John Fru Ndi. Souleymane Mahamat might after reflections, be accused today of opportunism, but the SDF that recruited him was equally opportunistic.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and the objective that Ahmadou Ahidjo had for Cameroon (part 6)

However when news reached late Amadou Ahidjo that, the father of Souleymane was preparing his son for a trip to Saudi Arabia, in order for junior Soulaymane to become an Imam, he (Ahidjo) is claimed to have cried: “what a waste!” He ordered for senior Souleymane to be brought to Yaoundé along with junior Souleymane, immediately they were back from their tour of northern Nigeria. When the Souleymanes came back from their Nigerian trip, they were directly flown to Yaoundé, where they met with the late former head of state. But when Ahidjo proposed to senior Souleymane that, the state wanted to send Souleymane to France for further education instead of Saudi Arabia, he (senior Soulaymane) refused. But when Ahidjo persuaded him in Fulani language that, his was to study first to Yaoundé and later on to France, where he will be groomed or trained and upon completion, he will come back to Cameroon to rule over the Christians, senior Soulaymane accepted Ahidjo’s offer. But senior Souleymane still wanted an imam in his family, for it was a hallmark of a noble family to have an imam in their fold, hence Souleymane’s younger brother was send to Saudi Arabia. The deal proposed by late president Amadou Ahidjo to the father of Souleymane shows how the trajectory of Souleymane Mahamat changed.

He came to Yaoundé and registered at the School administration and Magistracy, better known in it French acronym as ENAM and upon graduation, he continued his education in France. Thereafter, he came back to Cameroon and was given the strategic post of director of finance at the National Oil refining Company in Victoria. Although he was the financial director, he was being groomed to replace the White French man who was the director general. It is an understatement to stress hereon that, Souleymane Mahamat was the eyes and ears of Ahmadou Ahidjo at SONARA. As soon as Souleymane Mahamat began working at SONARA, in Victoria, he abandoned the virtuous religious track in which he was brought up. Others will refer or identify him as a moderate muslem, but for a person groomed within strict Islamic tradition and was programmed to become a Muslim cleric quickly, his transformation was tantamount to blasphemy. But moderate Islam or Muslim is a euphemism used to refer to all those who are not practising the Mohammedan faith as required. I really can’t tell or write the following with authority, but I have heard that, practising Muslims can marry Christians or Jews provided they practice their faith as indicated by their religion. But Souleymane was married to a Roman catholic who was a Roman Catholic only by name.

Furthermore, it appears as though, Islam also prohibits the consumption or abusive consumption of alcohol. But Souleymane who claimed to be a devout Muslim was an inveterate alcoholic. And finally, while Islam condones polygamy but prefers monogamy and faithfulness, Souleymane was married to one wife, but he was a monumental womaniser. However, the fact that Souleymane Mahamat was no longer a practising Muslim, but bagged the enviable secular tag of a moderate, a tag that was nevertheless abhorred by theocracy and theocrats. In spite the excesses of Soulaymane, it was of no concern to Ahmadou Ahidjo and it was of no danger to his post provided he (Souleymane) drew the necessary line between his job and his private life. Souleymane truly liked his job and also knew that, as long as Ahidjo was president of the republic, he was like the rock of Gibraltar in his post of finance director. Souleymane was the bright promising and constantly rising star of Northern Cameroonians. In 1981, he was sent again to France by the government of Cameroon for a training course that was aimed to prepare him to take over the mantle of general manger of SONARA.